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Τετάρτη 3 Απριλίου 2013

Europe's Only Option Is To Split Up

Hermann Winkler

Seeing Spanish and Italian bond yields drop over the past few days, it's impossible not to wonder what it is the markets, whoever they're comprised of, can't seem to figure out. Like that the Italian cloud will hang over Europe well into summer, Cyprus is falling to scandalous bits, French president Hollande is hanging on to his job for dear life because his friend and Budget minister Jerome Cahuzac was found to be an ordinary big swindler, and in Spain even the King Carlos' daughter Princess Christina is now a suspect in a financial scandal (PM Rajoy's antics will resurface soon).

The EU has been feeding the corrupt PIIGS (find a spot for a C in there for Cyprus) everybody else's tax money, and it has done so knowingly and willingly - well, either that or blindingly stupidly-. Now that the loot has been divvied up, everybody else gets to pay a second time. Or so is the plan. Which will fail.

 

So what's happening in Italy 5 weeks after the elections? The short answer is: not much. They haven't been able to patch together a new government, because various parties refuse to form a coalition with various others. Leftie Bersani refused rightie Berlusconi's advances, and outside-the-system Beppe Grillo, as he's said all along, refuses to work with any and all of them.

Which is why a few days ago President Napolitano threw together a team of 10 advisers who are supposed to tell him how to make things work after all. Since there is no feasible coalition between existing parties, they will probably as a last resort advise him to try a technocrat government of one kind or another. That will not be appreciated, because many Italians will argue that they might as well hold on to the Monti technophiles while the next elections are being prepared. Things have changed since Monti was pushed forward, and a second Wall Street/IMF/World Bank made man could lead to anarchy, not smooth sailing.

Interesting to see that the 10 men adviser group has people from the leftie and rightie factions (as well as lawyers etc.), but none from Grillo's Five Star M5S. Also interesting is that Napolitano has left one option undiscussed: M5S have offered to form a government, which might survive with the support of Bersani. Word is that Grillo hasn't even rejected being prime minister himself.

The President's term expires May 15. Parliament will have to elect a new president, with a possible first presidential vote as early as April 18. But whoever's followed Italy over the past few months can easily understand how hard that vote will be. It's absolutely possible that not only will there be no government in place 6 weeks from now, but that beyond that there'll be no-one left to mediate the process either. While Berlusconi and Bersani want old and corrupt political stalwarts for president (Romano Prodi?!), Beppe Grillo has suggested Gino Strada, a celebrated war surgeon operating in global combat zones who's been vocal in rejecting Rome's support for several NATO operations including the invasion of Afghanistan.

Apparently ECB chief Mario Draghi did make a phone call to Napolitano, telling him, no doubt, to stay the course and make sure there's going to be a euro-friendly government (no Grillo!). Trouble for Draghi - and Merkel and Brussels - is, Napolitano, an 86-year old former communist, has nothing to lose. He can bide his time while no solution is found, and tell Grillo to form a government anyway, ideally one week or so before his term is up. One thing Napolitano cannot do, because his term is almost up, is dissolve parliament.

 

Cyprus? Let's see..., a 2-week old government that cut a deal with the troika. A little over a week later, the Finance minister responsible for the deal has resigned and president Anastasiades' son in law stands accused of transferring €21 million out of Laiki Bank to a UK bank one week prior to the deal (along with at least 100 other well connected savers).

Less than a week after the bailout deal was announced, Cyprus was handed extra time to implement the deal's measures, and depositors are cut for much higher percentages than "estimated". This is a set pattern, not an unfortunate course of events. It's like Groucho's line: "These are my principles!. And if you don't like them, I have others...". Turns out, the entire deal was a con game from the get go, and the entire eurozone is well on its way there too.

The IMF "gives" €1 billion because Cyprus has such a great set of economic "reform" measures, i.e. fire who you can, cut pensions and benefits where you can, raise taxes and sell your most valuable public assets. Cypriots have no idea what's going to hit them. Oh, and the president announced that a casino will be opened soon.

Michalis Sarris, the Finance minister who brokered the troika deal and resigned, had a 30-odd year career at World Bank, and has an earlier term in the same post from September 2005 till March 2008. He was also a longtime non-executive chairman at Laiki Bank during the time it made the investments that brought it down, and became more actively involved at the bank in 2012 to "cleanse" it in order to comply with the troika bailout. Either a man who knows how to get the job done or a man who raises a few suspicions, take your pick.

 

You know, and this is not the first time I argue the point, the EU and the euro could well have been successful; just not with the one-dimensional-thinking religious zealots that make up its present leadership structure. There's nothing wrong with European unity in itself. But that one dimension - i.e. the refusal to discuss anything other than pushing forward with "the project" despite serious and reasonable doubts and questions - is not a minor flaw, it's a fatal one. If you want to make something work, you will always have to leave space for - thinking about - the possibility that it won't. Brussels does no such thing. That right there is the seed that breeds inevitable failure.

The EU has resorted to trampling its weakest members. That's not something that started with Cyprus, it's merely the next step in the process. "Official policy", as dictated entirely by the richest member states, could from the very beginning only have worked in times of unbridled wealth and growth, since these would have temporarily kept inbuilt flaws from view.

As soon as the financial crisis first reared its head in 2006/2007, though, this game was up. From then on in the EU as a governing body has started to react as your own body would do if for instance you were exposed to extreme cold for a prolonged period of time (hypothermia). That is, in order to save the core, blood flow to the extremities (in the EU case, the peripheral countries) would be cut off, eventually resulting in the amputation of toes and fingers.

The Roman empire didn't fall because of just one cause, but this hypothermia-like dynamic certainly played a big role. The more Rome resorted to squeezing the peripheral regions to maintain its own wealth, the more resistance it encountered. Until the periphery sacked the entire empire.

The best, or make that the only, advice for southern European countries is Get Out! before you're liquidated as so many frozen gangrenous digits. If you don't, the moment will inevitable come when the core accuses you of infecting it with life threatening afflictions, thereby morally justifying to itself unceremoniously dumping you in the great azure yonder.

The people of Italy, Cyprus and Spain should neither be seen nor treated as mere essentially disposable extremities, but the way the EU was first set up and then governed made it inevitable that they would be at the first sight of adversity. And since these countries don't have the political power to affect the necessary changes in Brussels and Frankfurt, their only option is to quit. Or be suffocated completely, but there is no way all PIIGS plus Cyprus (and add a second S for Slovenia) will accept that, because southern Europe is as loaded with historic pride and independent spirit as it is with corruption. There's no way there won't be a first country that will elect to leave the eurozone. And it'll be all dominoes all the way down from there.

Sure, it hasn't happened yet, though I've said for years it would. But has anyone seen the manufacturing numbers for Europe, including the core countries, this week? The entire European economy is falling like a stone, and the worse it gets, the more the core will attempt to squeeze the periphery. At some point it will become clear that there are only 3 core nations left (Germany, the Netherlands, Finland), and 14 peripheral ones. And then the periphery will start doing the squeezing. That is what we should all really start being afraid of, for there be the seeds of bloodshed. And that blood will spill around the world.

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Σάββατο 30 Μαρτίου 2013

Europe's Economic Crisis Is Now Worse Than The Great Depression [CHART]

From Paul Krugman: The trajectory of Europe's real GDP per capita today vs. its real GDP per capita back during The Great Depression. No commentary necessary.

032913krugman4 blog480

(Via @brianmlucey)

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Πέμπτη 28 Μαρτίου 2013

Meet Bernd Lucke, The German Professor Who Might Be Responsible For Europe's Harsh New Strategy

Bernd Lucke, leader of Alternative für Deutschland

Meet Dr. Bernd Lucke, the University of Hamburg economics professor who just formed a new, anti-euro political party to unseat Angela Merkel in this September's German elections.

Lucke, the leader of Alternative für Deutschland, is on board with the "new approach" the euro zone appears to be taking with bank bailouts in the wake of this week's Cyprus deal that has sent bank stocks in Italy and Spain tumbling.

Depositors in the two largest Cypriot banks will take a substantial haircut on bank account balances in excess of 100,000 euros in order to help pay for the bailout. This shifts the burden of footing the bill away from the taxpayers and onto those involved directly with the banks.

Germany, the kingmaker in the euro zone, pushed hard for the EU to take a hard line with Cyprus, ensuring that depositors would be involved in the restructuring. After all, with elections looming in September, the last thing German Chancellor Angela Merkel and her party needs is to look like they are willing to write blank checks to Cypriot banks, which are viewed by the international community as an offshore tax haven for moneyed Russian interests.

Lucke says the reason Germany had to take such a hard line toward depositors – a stance that has set in motion a whole new disruptive chain of events in the euro zone in recent weeks – was because of the new dynamic his party has brought to the German political scene.

"My sentiment is that this is a response to the fact that our party has gone public and that Angela Merkel feels threatened and now fights back for her popular support," Lucke told Business Insider.

So, what exactly is Alternative's plan for Germany and the euro?

For Germany, it's severing the fiscal transfers to struggling peripheral euro zone countries in southern Europe that have fallen into recession.

"While it currently seems to be the case that we do benefit from the euro crisis, there are tremendous risks in the wings, and we would like to end these policies of disguising fiscal risk, and discharging banks of their risk to the detriment of taxpayers," says Lucke. "This heavy burden we just do not want to bear, and this is why we have formed our party to oppose it."

For the rest of Europe, in which Germany remains dominant, it's dissolving the euro altogether.

Lucke says the economic division the euro is creating between North and South "certainly is the cause for envious sentiment and angry sentiment in the southern European countries, so that the political tensions within the European Union actually rise."

Alternative für Deutschland fears that these tensions could jeopardize the principles of a "common market" that make the EU so great for German trade. Lucke suggests, for example, that peripheral nations could perhaps impose customs duties if they can find no other way to become competitive.

"We use the completely wrong incentives for the crisis countries," says Lucke. "We do not help them solve their problems, but pile up more debt for them and force them into a recession, which makes the situation simply unsustainable."

Thus, it's about sacrificing the euro to save the European Project.

We also spoke to Lucke about AfD's chances in September's elections, what an AfD opposition would look like in the German Bundestag, his thoughts on the rise of Beppe Grillo and the anti-euro Five Star Movement in Italy, and the economics Germany's relationship with the euro.

The full transcript is included below.

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BUSINESS INSIDER: What is your opinion of how Angela Merkel has handled the Cypriot bank bailout?

Bernd LuckeBERND LUCKE: I think it was a stupid idea of hers to try to use the savings of smaller savers with credits in the bank of less than 100,000 euros for bailing out the Cypriot banks.

This was against European law, as everybody knows, so by doing that, she has caused a very aggressive climate in Cyprus, which made it much more difficult to find public support for the one step which was right, which was correct, which is to use some of the wealth of the big creditors of Cypriot banks to stabilize the banking system there.

So, I do approve of the decision the Cypriot parliament has taken with respect to wealth beyond 100,000 euros. I think this is a good and necessary step. I do not approve, however, of the fact that the bailout clause of the Maastricht Treaty has again been violated by the promise of another 10 billion euros for the Cypriot government.

BI: Do you think the rise of Alternative für Deutschland pressured the Merkel government to take a harder line with Cyprus?

BL: It seems that the German government has been rather tough in recent weeks on the government of Cyprus, and my sentiment is that this is a response to the fact that our party has gone public and that Angela Merkel feels threatened and now fights back for her popular support.

BI: Eurogroup President Jeroen Dijsselbloem this week sparked some controversy by suggesting that the Cypriot bank bailout deal could be a template for future bank restructurings in the euro area. How would a Germany led by your party seek to guide the restructuring process?

BL: I think that the restructuring of banks is necessary in many circumstances. I am very much in favor of having an orderly sovereign default in those countries which are overly indebted. An orderly default means that while the government does default, it is necessary to stabilize banks, and if banks are being recapitalized, then I think the prime resource for recapitalizing banks are the owners and the large creditors of those banks.

So, I am very much in favor, actually, of the policy that has already been outlined this week.

BI: Germany has managed to avoid recession, and unemployment continues to fall. Why would you want to endanger that status quo by leaving the euro?

BL: There is a huge build-up of fiscal risk in Germany by the obligations which we have agreed to under the European Stabilization Mechanism. So, while it currently seems to be the case that we do benefit from the euro crisis, there are tremendous risks in the wings, and we would like to end these policies of disguising fiscal risk, and discharging banks of their risk to the detriment of taxpayers.

We think that the tensions in the euro zone, which are currently just hidden by those transfer payments we make, should be made visible and should be solved by reintroducing national currencies and exchange rate flexibility.

This may, in the short run, put some burden on the German economy as well, but I think in the long run, it will be much more beneficial than the current policy.

BI: What is the real downside to continued wealth transfers from Germany and other northern euro member states to those on the periphery?

BL: Well, I don't really see that those economies are coming back on track. What we see currently is a steep rise in unemployment and youth unemployment in the southern European countries. We do observe some improvement in the terms of current account deficits and measures of productivity, but these are an improvement only because unemployment is rising – because less productive workers have been fired.

So, I do not think that this does indicate any kind of real progress, or at least enough progress to make those countries competitive again.

The problem seems to be that we have started with a transfer union, and there is no way out that we currently see as long as we stay in the euro. Rather, it seems that this policy will linger on for years, and possibly decades, which will put a heavy burden on German taxpayers, households, as well as enterprises.

This heavy burden we just do not want to bear, and this is why we have formed our party to oppose it.

BI: What is your response to the rise of Beppe Grillo and his anti-euro, Five Star Movement in Italy?

BL: I don't really have any response to that – I observe this rise, but we do not have any contact with his party.

I do share some of his views that the euro is not the appropriate currency for Italy. So, I have some sympathy for some of his positions, but certainly not for all of his positions, and certainly not necessarily for the way he is advancing his positions.

So, I think there are also big differences between our party and Grillo's party.

BI: Does Alternative advocate that Germany should leave the euro?

BL: No. We are running on a platform to dissolve the euro in a stepwise fashion, on a platform which proposes to reintroduce national currencies, but not by having Germany leave the euro, but rather by making the southern European countries leave the euro first, and then breaking up the remaining euro zone into other smaller currency areas, or into countries which each have their own national currency.

What we do not propose is that Germany leave the euro either now or in the future in any kind of unilateral sense.

BI: What do you hope to achieve going into the September elections? What sort of ground can you reasonably hope to gain in the government?

BL: Opinion polls currently indicate that about 25 percent of the German population is sympathetic to our anti-euro view, so we hope, of course, to take advantage of this share of the population as much as is possible.

If we do get elected to parliament, then the next question is whether we will be in the opposition there, or whether we will join other forces to form a government. My guess is that we will be an opposition party, because we would be willing to cooperate with any other party only if it changes its view on euro policy, and this is currently not conceivable.

BI: How have relatively calm financial markets in Europe since last summer affected the German perception of the euro and "bailout fatigue" in the German population?

BL: I think that the unrest which the public feels has grown, even though I also believe that there was a big share of the population that was displeased with Angela Merkel's policies already from the start of this policy in May 2010 on.

You may remember that Angela Merkel's party suffered heavy, heavy losses in regional elections which immediately followed the decision of May 2010 to establish the first big rescue facility.

So, there is a large share of the population which is deeply displeased with that, which perhaps has not really had the means to express itself properly, because many people are not so familiar with economics, and don't feel on safe grounds when they speak about that topic.

It is precisely for this reason that we have formed our party now, which is supported by many, many professors of economics, for instance, and many entrepreneurs for whom it is their daily bread to deal with economic issues, and which are quite outspoken in their criticism toward the government's euro policies.

BI: How has your background informed your views on the euro and Alternative's euro policy platform?

BL: I think there are basically two sources. One source is that i do not see much support for the economics behind the rescue policies. We have a big misallocation of capital by the rescue facilities.

We use the completely wrong incentives for the crisis countries. We do not help them solve their problems, but pile up more debt for them and force them into a recession, which makes the situation simply unsustainable.

So, there is a lot of economics which can actually be advanced against current policies.

The second source of my thinking was sort of more democratic or legalistic way of thinking in the sense that I was shocked by the fact that our government does not respective the Treaty of Maastricht. It just acts as it pleases in certain circumstances, completely disregarding all the promises which ever have been made to German voters, completely disregarding the legal framework of the European Union.

This, I think, is something which is really shameful for a democratic society, and is also a major source for my political engagement.

BI: What are your views toward the European Union?

BL: We do think that this is the way to save the European Union from a breakup. Actually, this is a big concern that we have.

We think that the euro currently splits the European Union into two parts – a segment of an economically unsuccessful southern part, and a more northern, or more central, European part, which currently seems to benefit from the misery of the southern European countries, because all of the capital flows back from southern Europe to Germany, and the Netherlands, and other stable countries, where it helps us to do cheap investment, but which is at the expense of those southern European countries, and which certainly is the cause for envious sentiment and angry sentiment in the southern European countries, so that the political tensions within the European Union actually rise.

There is the imminent danger of the disintegration of the European Union and of the common market, possibly even with a return to, say, impediments to trade, like a reintroduction of customs duties if those southern European countries are not able to balance their trade by any other means – in particular, not able to balance their trade by a devaluation of their own currency.

BI: Is Alternative's plan to sacrifice the euro in order to save the European Project?

BL: That would be absolutely correct.

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